Previous research has pointed to the importance of demonstrating “public benefits” from research for maintaining public support, yet there has. This study examines common claims associated with shadowing. Studies in Japan conclude that shadowing is effective for improving learners' listening skills. J Clin Child Adolesc Psychol. ;39(4) doi: / Who benefits and how does it work? Moderators and mediators of.
And How? Benefits, Who
Money is often paid in instalments as a migrant moves from one group of smugglers to the next. For example, migrants from Afghanistan often use informal remittance systems, such as hawala.
Funds are deposited with a hawaladar in Afghanistan, and on each stage of the journey the migrant will contact that person to release money to other hawaladars in transit countries. Yama Nayab, an Afghan surgeon fleeing persecution by jihadists, said: The cost can involve buying fraudulent visas. For example, the UNODC says Bangladeshi migrants hoping to work in the Gulf need a sponsor, and some recruitment companies act as such, buying work visas and selling them to migrants.
Other transactions are more blatantly criminal: Smuggling migrants involves recruiters, transporters, hoteliers, facilitators, enforcers, organisers and financiers. Some smugglers were once themselves smuggled migrants, who now operate either in destination countries or transit states. Is this a smuggler? That was after payments to middlemen, sailing crews, shipowners — and the police.
Corrupt officials — police officers, border guards, diplomats — are rarely exposed. Smuggling networks are generally not hierarchical, but some individuals may have transnational contacts.
In some cases, for example on the US-Mexico border, criminal gangs are involved. A powerful drug cartel, Los Zetas, is believed to be supervising migrant smuggling. The protocol against the smuggling of migrants by land, sea and air, which supplements the UN convention against transnational organised crime, came into force in January , and countries are party to it.
Feshchenko said the key issue was cooperation between financial investigation units. Much of the money involved would be moved around as cash, or through informal money transfer or remittance systems like hawala.
In a report , the Financial Action Task Force — an intergovernmental body working to protect financial systems — detailed a number of cases where migrant smugglers were caught. In five people were arrested in the UK for helping to smuggle roughly 20, Turkish migrants. They used legitimate businesses like kebab shops and a snooker hall to launder the money. Migrants acquire skills abroad that allow them to earn higher wages than non-migrants when they return.
Return migrants transfer new ideas and norms that can improve economic and political outcomes in their home country. Return migration can be beneficial to the economic development of the home country.
Skills acquired abroad do not always match the skills needed in the home labor market. Home country institutions might not be receptive to new ideas and norms acquired by migrants abroad. Not all migrants who return home will have been successful abroad. Data on return migration are sparse and inconsistent, making analysis difficult. Return migration has many potential benefits.
Through employment abroad, migrants can increase their income, acquire new skills, and accumulate savings and assets. When migrants return, they transfer both the financial and human capital accumulated abroad. However, benefits materialize in the home country only if return migrants are successful overseas in gaining skills, knowledge, and savings and if the home country has the right policies to encourage investment by returnees and to use their skills.
Policy options include reducing red tape, providing information on investment possibilities, and establishing a favorable macroeconomic environment for investment. Many people think of international migration as a one-way move. In reality, many immigrants move only temporarily.
There is increasing evidence of frequent return migration. Global migration has continued to rise over the past five decades. Between and , the global migrant stock increased from 92 million to million people, with much of the increase driven by migrants from developing to developed countries. However, flows between developing countries are also large. Return migration is at the heart of the debate on the costs and benefits of international migration.
Estimates by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OECD suggest that on average about two migrants in five will leave the host country within five years of their arrival, often transferring savings and new education and skills gained abroad. There is a huge variation in return rates by country of destination and country of origin.
Yet an important and understudied issue is whether return migration contributes to the economic development of the home country.
Who benefits from return to developing countries? Nonetheless, international migration is typically from low-income to higher-income economies, even when the flows are between developing countries. The number of emigrants varies considerably among sending developing countries.
Mexico tops the list of migrant-sending developing countries, with 11 million emigrants in , followed by China, at 3. Small countries and island states have the highest emigration rates emigrants as a share of the origin country total population. A few receiving developed countries host a significant number of world migrants: Although most countries record immigration inflows, few record outflows.
Figure 2 , which shows outflows in a few European countries where immigration is predominately from lower income countries, makes clear that outflows are far from negligible.
And since the stock of the foreign-born population in those countries is much greater than recent inflows, outflows tend to be relatively smaller compared with stocks of foreign-born population, but not negligible.
The small amount of evidence available on out-migration suggests that most of it is return migration to the country of origin. For example, onward migration constituted less than one-third of total out-migration in Sweden. Return migration—temporary overseas migration followed by a return to the country of origin—includes not only migrants on a temporary visa such as workers on work permits and students , but also migrants on permanent visas who decide to return home after spending time abroad.
Statistics on the numbers of return migrants are not well recorded, as governments do not regularly collect data on migrant outflows. Administrative records are often used instead. A few countries have population registers that can help keep track of who is in the country and who has left, but few registers have systemic procedures for de-registering immigrants leaving the country. Another obvious problem is that out-migration does not necessarily mean return migration to the home country.
Numbers of return migrants can also be derived from source country data. Thus, the return rate to developing countries of origin varies immensely by country of origin and destination. Estimates for the Philippines, which has a high proportion of emigrants on temporary contracts, suggest that there are around 3.
Similarly, OECD estimates using census data of the number of return migrants in selected countries of Latin America, by country of destination, show that return rates differ greatly by country of origin and country of destination. The challenge for source countries in measuring return migration is that they need to collect data on all their emigrants—current and returnees—in order to be able to measure the rate of return.
Why do migrants return to a poorer country, where wages are lower than in the host destination? There are several reasons other than failure in the host country. In many cases, migrants prefer to live and work where their families are. In many cases, the return decision is part of a migration strategy to move temporarily to accumulate savings and acquire skills and knowledge to use in their home country . Some want to accumulate savings abroad to use in the home country, where the savings will have higher purchasing power.
Some plan to use their savings to set up a business when they return because of the higher rate of return on entrepreneurial activities in the home country  , . Also, people may migrate temporarily to acquire skills that are highly rewarded in the home country. Of course, not all returns are planned. Migrants might decide to return because the expected value of lifetime income is lower in the host country than in the home country .
Migrants might not be as successful as anticipated and might thus return if they are unable to meet their target savings or skills acquisition, perhaps because they become unemployed or because of the high cost of living in the host country. Personal, family, or political crises can also drive migrants to return.
Who returns matters for both the host and the home country. First, the characteristics of returnees, in particular their education levels, affect their probability of return as well as their contribution to their home country after their return. Return rates are generally high for highly educated migrants, such as students who return after their studies abroad.
The empirical evidence on return at different education levels is specific to host and home country. For example, for Spain, the re-emigration rate of highly skilled immigrants is above average, while for the US, immigrants with a low education and those with a higher education have a much higher re-emigration rate than immigrants with an intermediate level of education Figure 3.
In addition, return is influenced by the success of immigrants in the host country. A few empirical studies have focused on the relationship between immigrant earnings and return, where earnings are used as a measure of success.
Recent evidence for the Netherlands suggests a U-shaped relationship, with both low- and high-income immigrants leaving the country but with the low-income immigrants leaving faster .
This pattern supports the empirical evidence that unemployment pushes immigrants to leave the host country. Thus, unsuccessful immigrants are more likely to leave the host country than the average immigrant and are also more likely to return early in the migration cycle because of failure. Successful immigrants are also more likely to leave than the average immigrant, but they leave because they have achieved their target savings. Emigration and return migration also lead to substantial externalities for the home country through investment, remittances, increased productivity, and skills transfers by return migrants.
However, if returnees are not able to reintegrate into the home labor market after a period of absence, or if they return with skills that do not match the requirements of the home labor market, this could lead to brain waste rather than brain gain. Also, if returnees are not encouraged to invest and use their savings in economic enterprises in the home country, their capital might not be used to greatest advantage. There are also externalities for the host country, with benefits or losses dependent on the selectivity of returnees whether successful or unsuccessful migrants tend to return.
In many poor developing countries, lack of access to credit is a severe constraint to entrepreneurship. Emigration enables credit-constrained individuals to acquire savings to set up businesses once they return  , .
This is an important channel through which returnees contribute to investment and economic development in the home country. In particular, when unemployment in the home country is high, small and medium-size enterprises can provide jobs and reduce poverty, making entrepreneurship an engine of growth. Several studies find evidence for many developing and emerging market countries that return migrants are more likely than non-migrants to set up businesses .
Earlier studies focused on how credit constraints and savings to overcome them increase the probability of returnees becoming entrepreneurs. In some instances, return migrants have made significant contributions.
Half of the leading software firms in India in were founded by Indian return migrants from the US. Although returnees show a high ability to create small and medium-size businesses and to generate jobs, return migrants face many hurdles when setting up their businesses, not least the many administrative and institutional barriers common in developing countries.
Remittances are an important source of foreign currency for many developing countries and the most tangible link between migration and development.
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